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James Grant’s enthralling biography of Thomas B. Reed, Speaker of the House during one of the most turbulent times in American history—the Gilded Age, the decades before the ascension of reformer President Theodore Roosevelt—brings to life one of the brightest, wittiest, and most consequential political stars in our history.
The last decades of the nineteenth century were a volatile era of rampantly corrupt politics. It was a time of both stupendous growth and financial panic, of land bubbles and passionate and sometimes violent populist protests. Votes were openly bought and sold in a Congress paralyzed by the abuse of the House filibuster by members who refused to respond to roll call even when present, depriving the body of a quorum. Reed put an end to this stalemate, empowered the Republicans, and changed the House of Representatives for all time.
The Speaker’s beliefs in majority rule were put to the test in 1898, when the sinking of the U.S.S. Maine in Havana Harbor set up a popular clamor for war against Spain. Reed resigned from Congress in protest.
A larger-than-life character, Reed checks every box of the ideal biographical subject. He is an important and significant figure. He changed forever the way the House of Representatives does its business. He was funny and irreverent. He is, in short, great company. “What I most admire about you, Theodore,” Reed once remarked to his earnest young protégé, Teddy Roosevelt, “is your original discovery of the Ten Commandments.”
After he resigned his seat, Reed practiced law in New York. He was successful. He also found a soul mate in the legendary Mark Twain. They admired one another’s mordant wit. Grant’s lively and erudite narrative of this tumultuous era—the raucous late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries—is a gripping portrait of a United States poised to burst its bounds and of the men who were defining it.
- Sales Rank: #169053 in Books
- Published on: 2011-05-10
- Released on: 2011-05-10
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 9.25" h x 1.30" w x 6.12" l, 1.45 pounds
- Binding: Hardcover
- 448 pages
Review
Advance Praise for
Mr. Speaker!
“Thomas Reed—Czar Reed, the all-powerful Speaker of the House at the end of the 19th century—was an architect of the modern American state. Sadly, he has been lost to history. But in this lively, intelligent biography, James Grant brings him back, with gusto, humor, and a sense of tragedy.”
--Evan Thomas, author of The War Lovers: Roosevelt, Lodge, Hearst and the Rush to Empire, 1898
“No period in American history is more colorful or relevant to our own—for better and worse—than the Gilded Age. James Grant brings it all memorably to life: Mugwumps and Half-Breeds, congressmen of flamboyant plumage for sale, not to mention a political process frozen in partisanship. Looming above it all, literally larger than life, is Thomas B. Reed, perhaps the most fascinating politician you’ve never heard of. A hero to young Theodore Roosevelt, as Speaker of the House Reed singlehandedly crushed the filibuster. (One is tempted to say, Boy do we need him now). At the same time, Reed’s erudition and stinging wit may well have cost him the White House. In the end, his ambition yielded to his principles, prompting him to resign the speakership rather than endorse the imperial vision of his fellow Republicans. It’s taken a century, but Reed at last has a biographer equal to his story.”
--Richard Norton Smith, author of The Colonel: The Life and Legend of Robert R.
McCormick, 1880-1955 and Scholar-in-Residence of History and Public Policy at George
Mason University
About the Author
James Grant is the founder of Grant’s Interest Rate Observer, a leading journal on financial markets, which he has published since 1983. He is the author of seven books covering both financial history and biography. Grant’s journalism has been featured in Financial Times, The Wall Street Journal, and Foreign Affairs. He has appeared on 60 Minutes, Jim Lehrer’s News Hour, and CBS Evening News.
Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.
Preface
THOMAS BRACKETT REED was the rock-ribbed Maine Republican who led the U.S. House of Representatives into the modern era of big government. From the Speaker’s chair early in 1890, he unilaterally stripped the legislative minority of the power to obstruct the law-making agenda of the majority. Enraged Democrats branded him a “czar,” which epithet Reed seemed not to mind at all.
Modernity was Reed’s cause from his first Congress in 1877 to the day he resigned in protest over America’s war of choice with Spain. As society was moving forward, he contended, so must the government and the laws. That meant, for instance, the abolition of capital punishment, a cause he championed while representing Portland in the Maine legislature immediately following the Civil War. On the national stage, it meant protective tariffs, peace, women’s suffrage, federally protected voting rights for African-Americans and a strong navy. He heaped ridicule on the Democrats for their Jeffersonian insistence on strictly limited federal powers. The tragedy of Reed’s political life was that the government he helped to cultivate and finance turned warlike and muscular, just as his Democratic antagonists had predicted it would. His friend and onetime protégé Theodore Roosevelt rode that trend into the history books. Reed, heartsick, retired to Wall Street to practice law.
Peace and prosperity make a superior backdrop to everyday living, but they do not necessarily commend an era to the readers or writers of history. Not that either Reed’s life (1839–1902) or his times were anything but eventful. Boom and bust, free trade or protection, race, the rights of subject peoples and the relationship between the individual and the state were the staple points of conflict during his quarter-century in politics.
Czar Reed had a suitably tyrannical presence, standing well over six feet tall and weighing close to 300 pounds. He married a clergyman’s daughter, Susan P. Jones, who opposed women’s suffrage; Katherine, their daughter, lived to advocate it. Reed’s eyes beamed with intelligence but his massive face was bland enough to stump the portraitist John Singer Sargent. “Well,” Reed quipped as he beheld the painter’s failed likeness of himself in 1891, “I hope my enemies are satisfied.”
The party labels of Reed’s day may seem now as if they were stuck on backwards. At that time, the GOP was the party of active government, the Democratic party, the champion of laissez-faire. The Republicans’ sage was Alexander Hamilton, the Democrats’, Thomas Jefferson. The Republicans condemned the Democrats for their parsimony with public funds, the Democrats arraigned the Republicans for their waste and extravagance. And what, in those days, constituted extravagance in federal spending? Arguing in support of a bill to appropriate funds for a new building to house the overcrowded collection of the Library of Congress, Reed had to answer critics who charged that Congress should do without the books rather than raid the Treasury and raise up one more imperial structure to crowd the capital city’s already grandiose thoroughfares.
The library fight was waged with words, but the politics of Reed’s time were shockingly violent. It was embarrassing to Reed to have to try to explain away to his congressional colleagues the near war that erupted in his home state over the stolen 1879 Maine gubernatorial election. Reed had grown used to political bloodshed in the conquered South, but even he, worldwise as he was, had never expected the descendants of the Puritan saints to have to call out the militia to get an honest count of a New England vote. Meanwhile, in Washington, on the floor of the House of Representatives, ex-soldiers would put aside public business to hurl charges and countercharges over the wartime atrocities at Andersonville or Fort Pillow. Reed himself was not above the occasional jibe at the ex-Confederates—“waving the bloody shirt,” this style of political discourse was called—but he affected not one jot of martial vainglory. A supply officer aboard a Union gunboat on the Mississippi River in the final year of the war, he drew no fire except the verbal kind from his own commanding officer.
As a professional politician, Reed could talk with the best of them. In the House, he was the acknowledged master of the impromptu five-minute speech and of the cutting, 10-second remark. He talked himself into 12 consecutive congresses, including three in which he occupied the Speaker’s chair. “The gentleman needn’t worry. He will never be either,” he once remarked to a Democrat who was rash enough to quote Henry Clay’s line about rather being right than president.
Reed’s wit was his bane and glory. An acquaintance correctly observed that he would rather make an epigram than a friend. Too often, he made an epigram and an enemy. “They can do worse,” he said of the Republicans who were sizing him up for the GOP presidential nomination in 1896. “And they probably will,” he added prophetically. In the museless and pleasant William McKinley, the Republicans did, in fact, do much worse. Mark Hanna, McKinley’s strategist and the first of the modern American political kingmakers, set his agents to mingle in the western crowds that Reed sought to charm in the 1896 campaign season. “There was nothing Lincolnian about Reed, obese, dapper and sarcastic,” Hanna’s biographer recorded. “He wasn’t too friendly when they came up to shake hands after meetings. He was an Eastern Product.”
That Reed fell short of the presidency was his contemporaries’ loss, even more than his own. That he has made so small a mark in the modern historical record is a deficiency that this book intends to rectify. The Gilded Age produced no wiser, funnier or more colorful politician than Speaker Reed, and none whose interests and struggles more nearly anticipated our own. Reed, like us, debated the morality of a war that America chose to instigate. He wrestled with the efficacy of protecting American workers and their employers from foreign competition and resisted the calls of those who would cheapen the value of the dollar. He was—as it might be condescendingly said of him today—ahead of his time on issues of race and gender. Actually, in many ways, his views harkened back to those of the Founders. Too loyal a Republican to speak out against the McKinley administration’s war in the Philippines, Reed would let drop the subversive remark that he believed in the principles set forth in the Declaration of Independence. Roosevelt wondered what had gotten into him.
If Reed resigned from Congress in bitterness, he served with zest. He loved the House and especially the Speakership, an office, as he liked to say, that was “without peer and with but one superior.” In parliamentary finesse and imagination, he was among the greatest Speakers. Such 21st century political scientists as Randall Strahan and Rick Valelly rank him on a par with the great Henry Clay of Kentucky. Reed’s signal achievement was to institute an era of activist legislation to displace the prevailing system of party stalemate. Empowered by the rules he himself imposed, the Republican majority of the 51st Congress, 1890–92, passed more bills and appropriated more money than any preceding peacetime Congress. To critics who decried the appropriations record of that Congress—a shocking $1 billion—Reed approvingly quoted someone else’s witticism: “It’s a billion-dollar country.”
The overtaxed and -governed 21st century reader may wince at the knowledge that the hero of these pages was an architect of the modern American state—certainly, his biographer does. However, Reed did not knowingly set out to create Leviathan. He wanted not a big government but a functional one. He opposed what he took to be unwarranted federal intrusion into private matters, including big business, even though—to a degree—that business owed its bigness to the tariffs that the Republicans erected to protect it from foreign competition. In middle age, Reed found the time to teach himself French, but he stopped short at reading Frederic Bastiat, the French economist who demonstrated the compelling logic of free trade. The truth is that economics was not the czar’s strongest suit—then, again, it has rarely been Congress’.
Burning bright through the full length of Reed’s congressional years was the question of what to do about money. Alexander Hamilton had defined the dollar in 1792 as a weight of silver (371¼ grains) or of gold (24¾ grains). Most of Reed’s contemporaries agreed that the law meant what it said. Money must be intrinsically valuable, worth its weight, or something close to its weight, in one of the two precious metals. Paper money was acceptable only so far as it was freely exchangeable into the real McCoy. Let the government just print up dollar bills, as it had done during the American Revolution and again, under Abraham Lincoln, in the Civil War, and inflationary chaos would descend.
In the final quarter of the 19th century, not a few Americans would have welcomed inflation with open arms. Falling prices were the norm; on average during Reed’s political career, they fell by a little less than 2 percent a year. For debtors, the decline was a tribulation. They had borrowed dollars, and they were bound to repay dollars, but the value of the dollars they owed was rising. Thanks to material progress itself, the cost of producing goods and services was falling. Steamships had displaced sail, the automobile was gaining on the horse, and the telegraph and telephone were providing a fair preview of the wonders of the Internet. In consequence, prices fell even faster than wages did. Many Americans profited in the bargain, though a vocal minority lost, and this angry cohort did not shrink from expressing its demand for cheaper and more abundant dollars. Silver was a cheaper metal than gold, and paper was cheaper than either. Let money, therefore, argued the populists, be fashioned out of these common materials, the better to serve a growing nation and not incidentally lighten the debtor’s load. For most of his public life, Reed took the opposite side of the argument. Supporting the gold standard, he contended that a stable, value-laden dollar best served the interests of all, wage-earners not least.
As pro-inflation sentiment was rife in Maine, Reed maintained his hard-money view at some political risk to himself. He hewed consistently to gold until the mid-1890s, when the monetary battle was raging hottest. And then, to some of his friends’ despair, he casually indicated a preference for bimetallism, the monetary system under which gold and silver cohabitated (and in which gold was likely to be driven from circulation by the cheaper, and cheapening, alternative metal). To uncompromising gold-standard partisans, Speaker Reed suddenly seemed to go soft when he most needed to stand tall.
Reed’s mordant sense of humor was oddly out of phase with his upbeat view of the human condition. Unlike his friend Mark Twain, he was prepared to contend that reason was on its way to banishing war, purifying religion and eradicating poverty. For Reed, there was no bygone Arcadia; always, the best was yet to come.
But not until he took matters into his own hands was there anything on Capitol Hill to resemble the ingenuity of Thomas Edison or Alexander Graham Bell. Until what were known as the Reed rules took force in 1890, the House was hostage to its own willful minority. If those members chose to obstruct, they would simply refuse to answer their names when the clerk called the roll. In sufficient numbers, sitting mute, they could stymie the House, which, under the Constitution, requires a quorum to function. Present bodily, they were absent procedurally.
So for weeks on end, the main order of business might consist of parliamentary fencing and the droning repetition of roll calls, each absorbing 20 or 25 unedifying minutes. The 50th Congress, either notorious or celebrated for its inactivity (depending on one’s politics), contributed 13 million words to the Congressional Record on the way to no greater legislative achievement than the institution of the U.S. Department of Agriculture. By contrast, the 36th Congress, as recently as 1859–61, while debating war and peace, union and secession, freedom and slavery, had uttered just four million.
Reed, elected Speaker for the first time in the 51st Congress, transformed the House by declaring those members present who were actually in the House chamber, whether or not they chose to acknowledge that fact by opening their mouths. Democrats excoriated him for doing so, their rage compounded by Reed’s seeming imperturbability under fire. Not that they were alone in their disapproval. The voters, deciding that Reed had overreached, handed the House Republicans (though not Reed himself) a lopsided defeat in the congressional elections of 1892. By and by, Reed lived to see both himself and his rules vindicated, the Democrats themselves coming grudgingly to adopt them in 1894.
Reed, a first-term congressman at the age of 37, had seen something of the world as Maine legislator, attorney general and Portland city solicitor. His political education continued in Congress with service on the commission to investigate the crooked presidential election of 1876. Each party had attempted to steal it, the Republicans finally out-filching the Democrats. Reed, as partisan a politician as they came even in that partisan age, distinguished himself in the investigation by bringing to light Democratic malfeasance while explaining away (or trying to) Republican offenses.
Reed held sacred the right of majority rule. Especially did he hold that right dear, as a journalist of the time dryly remarked, when he agreed with the majority. But the majority and Speaker Reed finally parted company in 1898 over the administration’s program to add to American possessions in the Caribbean and the Pacific. From the Speaker’s chair, he engaged in his rearguard actions against the war. Holding up the Hawaiian annexation measure, for instance, he refused recognition for the members’ pet hometown appropriation measures on the grounds that “the money is needed for the Malays,” or—concerning a proposed Philadelphia Commercial Museum—“This seems like a great waste of money. We could buy 15,000 naked Sulus with that.”
Reed was as prone to error as the next mortal legislator, but he was inoculated against humbug. The language of McKinley’s aggressive foreign policy brought out what may seem now, with a century’s perspective, the best in him. “It is sea power which is essential to every splendid people,” declaimed Henry Cabot Lodge, a close friend of Reed’s—and of Roosevelt’s too—in the Senate during the run-up to war. Said Reed, simply and winningly, “Empire can wait.”
© 2011 James Grant
Most helpful customer reviews
22 of 24 people found the following review helpful.
Good as Gold
By Ira E. Stoll
Thomas B. Reed, a Republican congressman from Maine who served six years as speaker of the House of Representatives, mainly in the 1890s, is an obscure enough figure that this book uses a subtitle to explain who Reed was: "The man who broke the filibuster."
I came away from the book admiring Reed's defense of voting rights for blacks and his support for women's suffrage, but less than entirely convinced that the rest of Reed's policy program -- including a tariff to protect American industry from foreign competition and an isolationist bent in foreign affairs -- deserves to be rescued from obscurity.
What does deserve to be rescued from obscurity, though, is this period in American history, and here Mr. Grant is an able guide and Reed a better-than-serviceable vehicle for the narrative. For many Americans, exposed to their country's history mainly in yearlong high school survey courses, Civil War Reconstruction jumps pretty quickly into Teddy Roosevelt's trustbusting. But pause to look around rather than rushing on through, and it turns out that the period between the Civil War and the turn of the 20th century was full of ferment, not least on the monetary policy matters to which Mr. Grant, as founder of Grant's Interest Rate Observer, brings particularly deep knowledge.
To anyone following the current headlines about Federal Reserve Chairman Bernanke and the price of the dollar in gold or silver, Mr. Grant's account of the events of 1869 (when the Resumption Act was passed, providing that as of January 1, 1879, $20.67 would be exchangeable for an ounce of gold) through 1900 (when the Gold Standard Act was passed), is valuable context.
In between came the 1874 Currency Bill (vetoed by President Grant); the Bland-Allison Act of 1878, directing the Treasury to buy silver, and the Sherman Silver Purchase Act of 1890, directing Treasury to buy even more silver. As Grant puts it, "The monetary question -- whether a dollar should be backed by gold or silver or nothing at all -- would preoccupy much of the country, and seemingly obsess the rest of it, for the next 25 years."
Mr. Grant reports that in 1876, both the Reed Republican and the Democratic party platforms supported the return to the gold standard. He reminds us of the origin of the phrase "sound money" -- "A sound dollar was one that, if dropped on the counter, would literally ring." And he demonstrates that this was "no dry and technical" debate, recounting a song of the Greenback Party of Maine, to the tune of "America": "Thou Greenback, 'tis of thee/Best money for the free/Of thee we sing. Throughout all coming time/Great souls in every clime/will chant with strains sublime -- Gold is not king."
Mr. Grant quotes Justice Stephen Field, the sole dissenter from the Supreme Court's 1884 majority decision in Juilliard v. Greenman, which said the federal government had the power to print money in peacetime. "I see only evil likely to follow," the dissent said. "Why should there be any restraint upon unlimited appropriations by the government for all imaginary schemes of public improvement, if the printing press can furnish the money that is needed for them?"
Nor is the debate over money the only way in which Reed's period is relevant to today. Then, as now, technological advances, imports, and immigration were blamed in some quarters for contributing to unemployment. Then, as now, procedural rules in Congress are blamed for delaying legislation, though now, owing in part to Reed's rules, it is the Senate, rather than the House, where bills tend to bog down. Then, as now, railroad subsidies and capital punishment (Reed opposed both) were issues.
But it's the explanation and background of the monetary policy stuff that make it worth forking over the fiat currency for a copy of this book.
Disclosure: I was sent a review copy.
10 of 10 people found the following review helpful.
House Rules
By Christian Schlect
My knowledge level of U.S. political history takes a nosedive for the years between the aftermath of the Civil War and the onset of World War I.
Therefore, James Grant has provided a significant service to me, and I would hope to many other readers, with his interesting and well-written biography of Thomas B. Reed, a.k.a. Czar Reed.
The boom-and-bust economic cycles, obscure tariff battles, and the intense debates over the federal currency (to be backed by silver or gold or both) of the times are nicely explained by the author, who is a financial expert. Reed was an early supporter of voting rights for women and one who did not see the value in going to war to acquire off-shore territories. Most important, he reformed House rules to ensure that elected majorities had the opportunity to rule on questions of the day and were not made ineffectual by recalcitrant minorities.
Reed, a hard partisan warrior, comes across as a funny, honest, and bright guy. And one of those rarest of politicians, one who walked away from true power on Capitol Hill at a time of his own choosing and with the admiration of his peers.
Anyone with an interest in our nation's political history, especially that of the U.S. House of Representatives and the late 1800s, should buy and read Mr. Grant's book.
12 of 13 people found the following review helpful.
Emphasis in the title should be on the "AND TIMES"
By Mara B.
I first became interested in Thomas B. Reed after reading Evan Thomas's excellent book The War Lovers and was excited to see this biography on the shelf since I was eager to learn more about him. Reed was renowned for both his sardonic wit and his willingness to stand apart from the crowd, both of which make him an extremely promising subject for a biography...Unfortunately this book was not quite what I expected.
Grant seems much more interested in describing the general political context of the 1870s-1890s, particularly the economic issues that were being debated at the time, than he is in creating a detailed and in-depth portrait of the man the book is purportedly about. It isn't until the last third of the book that Reed is even reliably center-stage, and before that there are long sections of the book where his name barely appears at all.
This doesn't mean the book is a waste of time, as it is a good treatment of the politics of the time and Grant can be quite funny and insightful in his descriptions of the political landscape. I learned a lot! But I do feel like there's a lot more to be said about Reed, and I think we're still waiting for a biography that fully does him justice as the fascinating man he was.
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