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Onward, Christian Soldiers: The Growing Political Power of Catholics and Evangelicals in the United States, by Deal W. Hudson
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Like a mighty army moves the church of God; Brothers, we are treading where the saints have trod. We are not divided, all one body we. One in hope and doctrine, one in charity. -- From the nineteenth-century hymn "Onward, Christian Soldiers" What keeps America a country of religious practice and traditional values? How has the U. S. avoided suc-cumbing to total secularism? The answer to these provocative questions is found in the religious commun-ities of America today: In the past thirty years, the religiously active voter has migrated to the Republican Party, and the story behind this shift, evidenced in the emergence of Evangelical dominance over mainstream Protestantism and the defeat of liberal Catholicism, is at the heart of this fascinating cultural history. In Onward, Christian Soldiers, the Washington insider who was at the vanguard of the sea change in religious and political history that propelled George W. Bush into the White House offers an intimate perspective on those remarkable years -- and their influence over the ones to come. Deal W. Hudson analyzes how, steadily over-coming age-old misjudgments and misunderstandings that separated them, conservative Catholics and Evangelical Christians drew together because of what they viewed as profound assaults on shared core beliefs. They became allies to battle the forces of secularization, relativism, and atheism. And together they forged a grassroots movement across America that astonished political activists and surprised commentators as well as members of traditional religious organizations. How, exactly, was this coalition achieved and who were its movers and shakers? What enabled them to deepen, enrich, and activate the resurgence of traditional values in society to make America radically different from the secularized Europe that was so widely believed to be on the verge of becoming the model for the United States? Deal W. Hudson details this
- Sales Rank: #3108161 in Books
- Published on: 2010-06-01
- Released on: 2010-06-01
- Original language: English
- Number of items: 1
- Dimensions: 8.25" h x .90" w x 5.31" l, 1.07 pounds
- Binding: Paperback
- 352 pages
Review
"Hudson has written an insider's jewel on the political and cultural dynamics that have affected presidential politics over the past several decades. It is an invaluable resource for anyone interested in understanding the intersection of politics and religion in the twenty-first century. Professors and pundits alike will repair to this book for years to come."
-- William A. Donohue President, Catholic League for Religious and Civil Rights
About the Author
Deal W. Hudson, M. Div. and Ph.D. is the Executive Director of the Morley Institute for Church & Culture in Washington, D. C. Previously with the National Republican Committee and a Bush White House inti-mate, he is the former publisher of the conservative Catholic monthly Crisis and president of the Morley Publishing Group. His articles and commentary have been published in periodicals such as The Wall Street Journal, The New York Times, The Washington Post, U. S. News and World Report, Newsweek, The Spectator, and by the Associated Press.
Most helpful customer reviews
20 of 22 people found the following review helpful.
Debunking the Myths
By Knight74
"If the Religious Right were suddenly to go out of business, the Religious Left would disappear overnight."
This assertion is provocative but Deal W. Hudson's beefs it up eloquently in his recent book about the influence of Catholics and Evangelicals in contemporary American politics. He documents how the followers of the Religious Left are the grandchildren of the 60's (and they have no shame accusing the Christian Right for being reactionary...) and why it will end up failing at successfully linking itself with the Democrats.
1. Secularists and religionists do not make a good match. From the moment questions will be raised in view to alter the Democrats agenda on social and economic issues, this fragile construction will be blown apart;
2. Liberal-leaning critics of the Christian (and Religious) Right condemn a movement that intervenes in the public sphere just like the civil rights movement in the 1960s. It is thus incoherent to blame one for what the other did - even if they're not on the same side of the spectrum;
3. "The Religious Left shifts responsibility from the individual to government on a variety of fronts." In a context were people seek more autonomy, this attitude won't bring Democrats and their allies more support than what they actually have.
From an academic, philosophical and religious perspective, I have always been interested in books related to the Christian Right. One of the disappointments I felt in the literature on the topic was that authors were either only academic - thus lacking real-life experience in the arena - or purely political, thus depriving readers of a beneficial intellectual framework which can explain a lot.
There is another fascinating element about this book. It details the involvement of the Catholics in the wider phenomenon of the Christian Right. For sure, Catholics bring their attitudes and particularities, but they've been at the vanguard notably in regard with family issues. One needs never forget that Buckley, Weyrich, Schlafly and Viguerie - luminaries of the Conservative movements - were Catholics. Deal W. Hudson also elaborates - although too briefly - on the Catholic influence on Barry Goldwater, a topic that certainly needs more attention in coming books. The Catholic conservative wing not only has deep historical and intellectual roots, but it's also vibrant in the current context.
While some critics have it that the Christian Right (or the Religious Right if you prefer) is only a political machine that serves to deliver votes on E-Day, Deal W. Hudson shows with eloquence and brilliance that this position in the marketplace of ideas is much more than politics only. It lays on deep philosophical, intellectual and cultural and - yes - religious foundations.
For anybody who does not drink the Kool-Aid that Republicans are automatically finished in 2008 and who really wants to understand why and how it could achieve another successful intervention (like it did in 1976, 1984, 1988, 1994, 2000 and 2004), this book is required reading. And the author debunks many myths and misconceptions.
In sum, a great and beneficial read.
11 of 12 people found the following review helpful.
A defense of social conservatives
By Jeri
So, why hasn't America gone the route of Europe into secular anti-Christianism? It may yet, but there is a group trying to stem the tide.
Social conservatives. They bring a frisson of terror to any liberal. Usually, they are referred to in the press by that much hated word, Evangelicals.
Well, what a shocker: the press got it wrong, as usual. The social conservative movement is much, much broader than just the Evangelicals, and it always has been, as Hudson points out in "Onward Christian Soldiers".
Remember Phyllis Schlafly, the Catholic who organized, fought, and defeated the Equal Rights Amendment? Or the Catholic Paul Weyrich? It was his work which formed "the strategy for bringing these Evangelical preachers and laymen into politics" (p 4) including Grant, Dobson, Robinson, and a score of others. Another early member was the Catholic William F Buckley, whose "National Review" was the intellectual magazine for all conservatives.
Catholics like Buckley and Bishop Sheen were charter members of the conservatives who fought communism. What is not usually recognized by the press is that Catholics form a large part of the social conservative movement today, and always have formed part of the movement.
"The year 1979 was the tipping point, when Democrats lost their allegiance to the party of their parents and began identifying with the God or social and religious conservatives" (p 25) as they voted for Reagan.
Hudson believes abortion alone wasn't the issue that launched the religious right. There was a growing and painful gap between those who wanted a new morality and those who continued to practice their faith. Everywhere, America was changing. About 40% of newborns are illegitimate. Partial birth abortion, with a baby's brains sucked out, is legal. Gay rights began to be taught by teachers to grammar school children, while Christmas displays were forbidden.
Catholic grassroots organizations, like Knights of Columbus, seem to run under the liberal radar, whereas those who claim to be Catholic but refuse to adhere to the tenets of the faith, like Pelosi and Kennedy, are well known. This may have added to the confusion of the liberals.
Other Catholics who form part of the social conservative network include Father Pavone, who in 1990 began Priests for Life. "As is the case for many conservative Catholic leaders, the Catholic television network EWTN played a decisive role in helping Pavone grow his organization" (p 147). EWTN was founded by Mother Angelica, an enclosed nun not supposed to have contact with the outside world, who had $200 and decided to start a television station. Father Corapi and the Franciscans of the Renewal's Father Groeschel were also introduced to the public by EWTN. `
0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Four Stars
By Peter
good
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